[Salon] Western Sahara and the limits of transactional deals



Western Sahara and the limits of transactional deals

Summary: Trump’s granting Morocco’s claim to the Western Sahara looked a clever stroke and a big win for Israel but the road to final diplomatic recognition has hit a bump or two.

The difficulty with transactional diplomacy, at least the version conducted by the former US president Donald Trump, is that a deal done as a crude quid pro quo can come back to haunt the participants.  Such is the case of Morocco agreeing to normalisation with Israel after Trump, turning aside decades of US policy, agreed in 2020 in the waning days of his presidency to recognise Moroccan claims to the Western Sahara, in return for Rabat recognising Israel.

The region, on North Africa’s Atlantic coast was until 1975 a Spanish colony. When Spain abandoned it both Morocco to the north and Mauritania which shares a 1745 km border with Western Sahara divvied it up between them, with the Moroccans laying claim to the northern two thirds and the Mauritanians the rest, a claim Mauritania gave up in 1979. The indigenous Sahrawi with the support of Algeria conducted a guerrilla war for 15 years. It ended in 1991 with a UN-brokered deal that called for a referendum to settle the question but it was never held. Trump’s decision ignored not just a complex and conflicted history but the entire Sahrawi population.  It was as if they did not exist.


Moroccan Independence Day celebrations in Ashdod, Israel, November 23, 2022 [photo credit: @morocco_israel]

Since the Trump deal matters between Morocco and Israel have been moving along nicely with memoranda of understanding being signed and business deals being done. In September last year the then Israeli Economy Minister lavished praise on the warmth of the relationship.  The minister, Orna Barbivay, argued:

There’s a mutual desire to promote effective economic processes. The Abraham Accords attests to the fact that Israel is open to peace with whoever wants it, and the economic opportunities are extraordinary. Morocco is just the beginning, and the potential is huge.

She called the connection “the most natural thing in the world.” Not so natural, perhaps, for ordinary Moroccans. At the World Cup, for example, the Palestinian flag was much in evidence as Morocco dismantled Belgium, Spain and Portugal before finally falling to France. It was a remarkable run transcending football to make a statement against Europe’s exploitative colonial history. Payback on the pitch, so to speak, with Palestine a running leitmotif aimed at a contemporary coloniser, Israel.

In the 48th minute of Morocco’s match against Belgium a huge Palestinian flag was unfurled to mark the 1948 Nakba or catastrophe which saw the destruction of the Palestinian homeland, mass expulsions and permanent displacement as the new nation of Israel was birthed in violence. Throughout the tournament, support for Palestine only grew and Israeli media personalities faced firm refusals from Arab football fans for interviews as Palestinian flags fluttered in the background.

Itamar Ben-Gvir, subsequently appointed a minister in charge of Israel’s police on both sides of the Green Line, must have ground his teeth in rage at the sight of so many Palestinian banners. Now a senior member of the most extreme government in Israel’s history he is bent on suppression of a symbol of resistance. On 8 January, in his capacity as National Security Minister he ordered police to remove the flag from public places wherever it was deemed to be “an incitement to terrorism.”

Meanwhile the process of normalisation between Morocco and Israel has hit something of a snag and it is all to do with the Western Sahara. Rabat is insisting that the Israelis recognise their annexation before building an embassy in Tel Aviv. The Israelis are dragging their feet which may have more to do with Netanyahu’s focus on cobbling together a coalition of extremists and meeting their demands than any deliberate attempt to thwart Morocco.

Otherwise it would seem odd that Israel doesn’t just go ahead and recognise Morocco’s sovereignty over the Western Sahara and its indigenous Sahrawi people. After all, the Israelis have built a nation on land illegally seized; they have continued since 1948 to colonise and annex land in violation of UN resolutions and international law and they have relentlessly repressed the rights of the indigenous Palestinian people. Indeed, one might make the claim that between the two there is an affinity for annexation.

It may be closer to the mark to say that given the strength of support for Palestine so recently evident in Doha, Morocco’s King Mohammed VI may himself be the foot dragger, holding off on the embassy until the enthusiasm has cooled. He may have a bit of a wait, particularly given the racist extremists who now control the Israeli government and seem hell-bent on destroying what is left of Palestine.


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